CITY CONVERSATIONS – YOUR CITY YOUR VOICE – 6.30 City Academy, 9th May 2018
In January 2017, the Runnymede Trust published a report stating that Bristol was the most segregated core city in the UK. In the same year The Sunday Times celebrated Bristol as the best place to live in the UK.
But what do you think about your city?
Tomorrow Wednesday 9th May, Bristol Old Vic, Bristol Post and Ujima invite you to take part in the first of a series of City Conversations at the City Academy to discuss views and listen and share opinions on race equality in the city facilitated by John Darvall and Primrose Glanville of BBC Bristol.
We are a brilliantly diverse city, but our issues – historic and of today – are complex.
It’s time to talk, to listen and to move forward in an open and positive way.
Join us in conversation! the event will be recorded by Ujima Radio as part of our Year of Change Agenda
To book go to https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/your-city-your-voice-how-can-we-make-racial-segregation-a-thing-of-the-past-in-bristol-tickets-45430707469
Fifty years on from the death of a dream, here is an extract from my book and retropective of Dr King’s life from Chapter 7 of My American Odyssey.
The Life of Martin Luther King Jr, 15 January 1929 – 4 April 1968
Dr King was just thirty-nine when he was assassinated in Memphis, Tennessee, but the legacy of his lifetime of achievement will last for generations. He was the third in a generation of male preachers, following his father who had changed his name from Mike to adopt the name of the founding father of the Protestants, Martin Luther.
In many ways, Dr King was the archetypal reluctant hero: happy to accept a life in the pulpit serving God, until destiny called. His role in the civil rights struggle would test not only his faith, but also his convictions and the very essence of his humanity. He was born in Atlanta on 15 January 1929, during the Great American Depression, into a stable middle-class family. The queues for bread and images of poverty that he witnessed would leave a lasting impression of the inequality and social issues facing America. His loving parents created a solid platform for him to achieve greatness, with his father a particularly strong guiding influence in his life.
Martin Luther King senior, or Daddy King as he was known, would educate his son about the indignities of segregation and Jim Crow. A large man in size and stature, he would never accept the status quo of a black man in the South: of second-class citizenship. Daddy King could trace the roots of his grandfather’s life as a slave, and had watched his own father suffer indignities in silence as a sharecropper on a Georgia plantation. He vowed to leave the plantation life behind him and moved to Atlanta, labouring by day and educating himself by night. He became an activist in the early civil rights era, and after receiving a degree in divinity, became a pastor on the street on which he lived, Sweet Auburn Avenue. The Ebenezer Baptist Church became his son’s ‘second home’.
His parents’ love could not protect him from what Dr King termed the ‘inexplicable and morally unjustifiable Jim Crow laws of the South’, and for a while he struggled to reconcile himself with the direct racism he experienced before it consumed him with bitterness. Where the young Dr King went to school, where he played and with whom were all things determined by the Jim Crow laws, leaving him with a burning sense of injustice.
Daddy King helped to develop his son’s public speaking skills by making him read extracts from the newspaper out loud after dinner. At the age of fourteen, Dr King delivered his first public address against racism at an oratory contest in Georgia, where he called for the Constitution, Bill of Rights and relevant Amendments Acts to be translated into reality, and attacked the discrepancy between those words and actions. This winning speech would mark the emergence of one of finest orators in history. In addition, it would represent what Dr King would devote the rest of life to achieving, and in so doing would change both America’s and the world’s perceptions of the black man.
By his own description, Dr King had an unremarkable childhood. One of the more notable things about the segregated neighbourhood in which he was raised was that poor and middle-class families lived on the same street, rather than living in separate areas. No one around him accumulated great wealth. Poor families lived in one-tier shotgun houses – so named because a bullet could pass through the front wall, travel through the house, and come out through the rear wall – standing next to Dr King’s modest two-storey family home, which still stands today in Atlanta.
Dr King undertook manual work to supplement the cost of his studies and, after leaving high school in 1944 at the age of fifteen, he enrolled at Morehouse College, Atlanta: a renowned historical all-black college and university (HSBCU). This was two years earlier than most of his classmates, and he recalls working hard to catch up. He revelled in the spirited atmosphere at Morehouse; the heady mix of active social life and modern clothing was where he developed his ‘ivy-league’ dress sense. The political debates on race, together with the knowledge he gained on civil disobedience, stimulated his eager young mind. With his spiritual roots strong, he entered the ministry in 1948, and later that year passed his sociology degree.
He continued his scholarship, gaining a divinity degree at Crozier Theological Seminary, Pennsylvania in 1951, and received his doctorate in theology in 1955. It was while undertaking his religious studies that he began reading some of the accepted great philosophers of the world, such as Friedrich Nietzsche and Karl Marx. At each place of learning he added layers of knowledge and wisdom while being heavily influenced and abetted by his peers, teachers and mentors, building on the foundations of his faith and family. However, it was when he discovered Gandhi’s non-violence philosophy that he was able to combine his religious, social and moral convictions to tackle what he saw as the ‘evils of the world’ – which for Dr King meant racism.
In 1952, he met the love of his life, fellow student Coretta Scott, while they were both studying at Boston University. They married after less than eighteen months’ dating, and Dr King considered Coretta’s self-sacrifice and patience major sources of strength during his darkest hours. The spiritual and emotional support between the two enabled him to become the leader of a movement of tens of thousands, and an icon for millions around the world. Coretta was also a prime source of support for the movement: marching, campaigning and inspiring others, along with raising their four children as Dr King was away frequently. Dr King also had the support of his confidant, the Reverend Ralph Abernathy, to assist him in formulating strategy and campaigns against the southern segregationists.
With their studies completed, the Kings moved to Montgomery, Alabama in 1954, and Dr King became the pastor of The Dexter Avenue Baptist Church. Coretta had been born and raised in Alabama and, despite there being more glamorous or rewarding positions elsewhere in America, as native southerners they felt a ‘moral obligation’ to fight for social justice. They planned to enter a career in teaching, and for Dr King to further his studies later. The Kings had their first child, and life in Montgomery was relaxed compared to the challenges that were to follow.
As well as his pastoral role, Dr King took an interest in local activism, making important links with both the black and white communities of Montgomery. Then, on 1 December 1955, a forty-two year-old seamstress called Rosa Parks decided that she was tired of the continual injustices she faced on Montgomery’s transportation system. Her symbolic decision to refuse to give up her seat for a white male passenger and move to the back of the bus – as was the Jim Crow law of Alabama – would change the course of history, and ensure Dr King’s life would never be the same again.
The Reluctant Leader –The Birth of a Movement in Montgomery
Rosa Parks’s subsequent arrest, conviction and $14 fine were the catalysts that galvanised Montgomery’s black community, and later, under Dr King’s leadership, united all the disparate figures of the civil rights movement into a coalition of action. After Rosa Parks had been marched from her bus seat to jail, a bus boycott, or ‘acts of non-cooperation’ as Dr King preferred to term it, began. This called for blacks not to travel on the public city buses until colour restrictions governing where they could sit were removed. An organisation, the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA), was formed to coordinate the protest, and elected Dr King as its leader. He was surprised at his elevation, as he had not been in Montgomery that long and did not regard himself as one of the city’s leaders, but the vote was unanimous – a resounding vote of confidence in his potential.
In his first major speech at the beginning of the boycott, Dr King had to mobilise the Montgomery community, and in his autobiography admits, ‘Feeling obsessed by a feeling of inadequacy…for the most decisive speech of his life.’ He summoned up his years of learning, and borrowed from Gandhi to call for a campaign of social activism that would rouse the soul, repair and regain self-respect, within the spirit of their Christian faith, without violence.
Despite being small in stature at just under 1.70 metres (5.7 feet), Dr King rose to great heights, and without notes delivered what would become one of his trademark speeches. He received a standing ovation from the packed church hall, as well as achieving the desired effect of raising spirits ahead of the bus boycott. The MIA swung into action to organise the tasks of the boycott, such as arranging car pools and asking taxi drivers to reduce their fares to that of a bus journey. With the majority of the black community working in manual or domestic roles, many simply walked for miles and miles, month after month. Montgomery’s black residents, like Rosa Parks, had had enough, and would never be a cowering community again. After a century of indignities they were prepared to suffer whatever it took to achieve desegregation.
The Montgomery city officials came under pressure from the business community, who were losing vast amounts of money, and used the weight of office to bend the rule of law in an attempt to break the boycott. Dr King’s family, friends and colleagues were threatened on a daily basis. Numerous churches and civil rights campaigners’ homes were firebombed by the KKK, including the King family home while his family slept. Dr King was arrested several times. When physical intimidation failed, other measures were used, such as getting insurance companies to cancel the car insurance of the pool drivers, or pressuring employers to sack the MIA ringleaders. Their resolve could not be broken, and is fondly recalled in Dr King’s autobiography where he describes how a pool driver stopped to give a struggling elderly black woman a lift home. She refused, and said: ‘I’m not walking for myself. I’m walking for my children and grandchildren!’
With the economic effects of the boycott proving successful the city officials were forced to the negotiation table. Eventually the 381 day campaign resulted in victory, which we know today as first come, first seated. The Montgomery Bus Boycott was not only a breakthrough for the civil rights campaign, but within this first tumultuous battle can be seen the parable that encapsulates the overall struggle for civil rights. From then on, when an issue concerning a Jim Crow law flared up, the community would be mobilised into an organised campaign. Physical abuse and intimidation inevitably followed, which would include bombings, beatings and mass arrests. Then a protracted legal process would take place while the local black community continued their daily lives, enduring their own individual unheralded sacrifices. Each campaign would at first be met with an indifferent response from the federal government, and even criticism, before it belatedly enforced law and order. Finally the protracted struggle would lead to gradual concessions to end segregation in the target city. In this way, the movement incrementally gained first their dignity, and then their civil rights as they literally battled for equality.
Civil Rights Era in 1950s, and Dr King’s Pilgrimages to Africa and India
Before long, the question of civil rights was no longer just a local, city or state issue, but had gained a national platform and become an international story. In 1954, the Supreme Court members, who more than the politicians saw themselves as the moral guardians of the Constitution, made a landmark ruling in the case that became known as Brown v Board of Education. The Supreme Court ruled that separate educational facilities were unconstitutional, overturning the 1896 Plessy v Ferguson ‘separate but equal’ ruling of its predecessors.
Two years later, in Little Rock, Arkansas, this exploded into violence. The federal government ordered troops to protect nine black children from an enraged local mob to enforce the bussing policy that followed the Brown v Board decision. Dr King applauded the federal government’s actions, sending a telegram of thanks to President Eisenhower, though he felt that the White House should have acted sooner. Crucially, the Supreme Court’s caveat that the southern states were to integrate with ‘all deliberate speed’ allowed them to de-segregate at their leisure, and by the end of 1956 not one school in the Deep South had been integrated. Dr King remarked that ‘The federal government were more concerned about what happened in Budapest than what happened in Birmingham.’
By now, Dr King’s global profile was rising, and he embarked on several travels abroad to further his own personal knowledge. This included an enlightening journey to Africa, where he joined the celebrations at the independence of Ghana on 6 March 1957. He also undertook a personal pilgrimage to India to observe the civil disobedience teachings of Mahatma Gandhi, who had used non-violent techniques to propel India toward its own independence. Coretta and Dr King were warmly received and widely recognised, as the Montgomery bus boycott had made international headlines. Like his spiritual mentor, Dr King was not solely concerned with single issues such as race or colonialism. Gandhi had been appalled by the treatment of the untouchables in India, and had adopted an untouchable orphaned child. Gandhi also went on a hunger strike to highlight their plight, which brought an end to the practice of not touching thousands of people from India’s poorest in society.
This focus on the plight of the poor was to mark Dr King’s latter years as he campaigned for social reforms. At the time of his death, he was in Memphis attending a rally for striking sanitation workers. A fellow Hindu had killed Gandhi, and Dr King nearly suffered a similar fate when a black woman stabbed him at a book signing in Harlem, New York, in 1958. The woman was categorised as clinically insane, and Dr King came so close to death his surgeon informed him that had he sneezed he could have died. His travels around the world, especially to Africa and India, gave him the strength, conviction and determination to strive for social justice and equality. Finding out about them inspired me to travel the world too. I was most impressed that, by adopting Gandhi’s non-violent methods, Dr King expanded the civil rights campaign throughout the South and away from his parish in Montgomery, Alabama. The influence of Rosa Parks and Dr King inspired many others to take action. After students staged their sit-in at the Woolworth’s food-counter in Greensboro, North Carolina (a place l will visit and discuss later in this chapter) in February 1960, ‘Over 70,000 black students staged sit-ins around the country, which saw 3,600 jailed’.
From Montgomery to National Leadership
In February 1957, Dr King became the head of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), a network drawn from scores of civil rights movements throughout the southern states. This role would prove vital in helping him coordinate the campaign across the South through the affiliate bodies of the SCLC. Dr King led the non-violent war on Jim Crow and southern segregationists, and such were his personal charm and magnetism, he could advise protesters and presidents with equal aplomb, and turn bigots into activists.
Dr King’s leadership was pivotal in assisting to overthrow centuries of state-sponsored inequality. His strategy and planning of the civil rights struggle was as good as any high-ranking military general, allied with the management skills of a top chief executive.
One of the many great unheralded things we can learn from Dr King is the leadership quality that elevates great leaders from mere mortals. As one of the world’s best-selling management books, Stephen Covey’s 7 Habits of Highly Effective People, says, Dr King ‘Begin with the end in mind’. He created a vision of a desegregated south, ‘where little black and white boys and girls could play together’. He led from the front, displaying his courage and integrity while being abused, beaten and jailed. He spent many days away from his family, with Coretta supporting his decisions to remain behind bars to highlight injustice.
Dr King would learn lessons from defeats, such as the painful unsuccessful year of struggle in Albany, Georgia in 1961, which he evaluated to plan a successful campaign in Birmingham, Alabama. Each campaign was planned with a full strategy, and a target city selected. Teams of individuals were organised into committees to deliver thousands of tasks and actions to the army of foot soldiers who were ready to lay down their bodies to achieve the goal. Within the target city mass marches would be planned, followed by rousing speeches with the specific aim to empower and embolden the local community. Protestors would take part in acts of civil disobedience, staging sit-ins within cafés and restaurants, and even kneel-ins inside segregated churches. With the jail cells overflowing, the judicial system would be pushed to breaking point. Grandparents, students, teachers, labourers and many others flocked to the South to protest, and lawyers from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) helped to defend them. Local, state and federal politicians and power brokers were lobbied to give political support. The power of the black dollar was utilised by economic boycotts, which were used as sanctions against shops that had segregationist policies. Eventually, when combined to maximum effect, these collective actions would make the target city’s business community beseech the city officials to negotiate a compromise.
Dr King evoked the embodiment of hope as a key message to disarm opponents and accomplish change. Andrew Young, who was standing next to Dr King on the balcony in Memphis when he was killed, recalls Dr King’s leadership skills, saying he would be ‘Meeting black business leaders in the morning to help them understand the process of non-violence, and in the evenings after school he would meet with the students from the high schools and colleges to encourage them to support the movement.’
When he returned from India, Dr King was more convinced than ever before that his moral convictions of non-violence should be deployed to break the southern bastion of segregation. He ignored the growing calls for Black Power and separatism as he did not believe that black people could win an armed struggle in America. It was also morally repugnant for him to embrace black separatism, as he viewed it as a similar system to the one he was fighting against.
The Birmingham Campaign – 1963
Dr King faced harsh criticism from all sides for his methods, and history has recalled his legacy far more kindly than people felt about it during his lifetime. Even in his dark moments, he remained true to his beliefs, and would often meet his detractors personally. Those who argued for him to stay within the rule of law would be met with determined resistance. Dr King opposed what he saw as unjust man-made doctrines, and drew strength from his theologian studies, stating: ‘Any law that uplifts human personality is just.
Any law that degrades the human personality is unjust. Thus it is that I can urge men to obey the 1954 Brown v Board decision of the Supreme Court, for it is morally right; and I can urge them to disobey segregation ordinances for they are morally wrong.’ So the stage was set for Dr King and the civil rights movement to gain arguably their biggest and most controversial achievement in the form of Project C – C for Confrontation. They chose Birmingham, a city in the industrial heartland of Alabama, named after its English relative and a living example of the terror and injustices of Jim Crow in America.
The leader of the SCLC affiliated Alabama Christian Movement for Civil Rights, Reverend Fred Shuttleworth, had invited Dr King to Birmingham, which had a population of over 350,000. Dr King made no secret of his disgust at the primitive conditions he encountered. The segregation and the way it was enforced exceeded anything he had endured in his life. Dr King wrote of a black child being born in Birmingham, and the infant drawing its first breath in a segregated hospital. The baby would return home with its parents to a life of poverty, as well as being excluded from certain schools, restaurants, cinemas, churches and other social institutions, all based on the colour of his or her skin.
After receiving a federal order to desegregate its parks, the city closed them instead. When it was told it should integrate black players into its baseball team, Birmingham disbanded it. If you wished to protest against these injustices by joining America’s most predominant national civil rights organisation the NAACP, you would find that they were banned in Birmingham. If you wanted to vote you would find yourself the subject of discriminatory literacy tests which These would help to ensure that in a city where 40 per cent of the population was black, only one in eight had the right to vote. This lack of voting power meant racist politicians and officials, such as the Governor of Alabama George Wallace and police commissioner Eugene ‘Bull’ Connor, would ensure the black community lived with fear and terror as constant companions. Reverend Shuttleworth himself had seen his home and church bombed and destroyed, and both he and his wife had been assaulted, but, undeterred, Shuttleworth continued to protest. He was jailed on eight separate occasions.
In summary, should that child about whom Dr King wrote overcome adversity and reach maturity, it would grow up to raise the next generation in the most segregated city in America. Therefore, Birmingham would prove the ideal place to expose the brutality of racism and the moral corruption of its officials.
The date of 12 April 1963, Good Friday, was symbolically chosen for the mass protest to highlight the fact that Dr King was in prison. He announced defiantly, ‘It’s better to go to jail with dignity than accept humiliation in humility.’ Dr King was used to going to jail for his principles, although he hated being locked away from his family and society. On one occasion, he was falsely arrested for an alleged traffic violation by the Georgia state authorities. They bound his arms and legs in shackles, before driving him 220 miles without food, water, access to a phone call or informing him of his alleged crime.
Dr King received public criticism concerning his breaking of the law, not from the segregationists, but from eight clergymen of mixed denominations who he felt should have been supporting him in his bid to tackle hate and inequality. In jail, on scraps of leftover paper, he wrote his polemic Letter from Birmingham Jail. He restated his unshakeable beliefs and principles, and denounced unjust laws as invalid, as Nelson Mandela had done before being sent to jail at Robben Island, before him. Dr King attacked the liberal critics who lamented that this was not the right time for civil disobedience and that patience was required. Dr King replied, stating that his people had been patiently waiting for over a century since slavery was abolished. They could not and would not wait any longer, and through thousands employing the tactics of non-violent direct action, they would find America’s salvation and unity.
It was now that Dr King played his riskiest strategy in the civil rights campaign by deploying children. He believed that harnessing their natural energy and exuberance would give the movement fresh impetus. Dr King also wanted the children to be able to shape their own destiny, and involved them ‘To give our young a true sense of their own stake in freedom and justice.’
The local community was trained and prepared for the extreme courage the people would need to display to live under fire. A number of entertainers, such as Harry Bellefonte, raised money for legal funds for the thousands who were jailed or suspended from school. Project C would lead to some of the most disturbing and violent scenes in civil rights history, beamed into homes and reported in newspapers around the world. These were brutal and damaging images for America, and would remain in the world’s conscience forever.
On 3 May 1963, hundreds of schoolchildren set out from the 16th Street Baptist Church, marching towards the Kelly Ingram Park across the road. Their mood was exuberant and their resolve strong as they defiantly sang, ‘We want freedom now!’ This enraged Sheriff Bull Connor, whose openly racist views were expertly exploited by the movement. He ordered the fire engines to turn on their high-pressure hoses, knocking children to the ground, and released police dogs onto them. This incensed many black spectators, some of whom had not received the non-violent training required, and they retaliated only to be met by club-wielding policemen. When Bull Connor was told Fred Shuttleworth was one of those injured by a fire hose, he said publicly, ‘I wish he’d been carried away in a hearse.’
With the world’s media attention on Birmingham, the White House became involved. The attorney general was Robert ‘Bobby’ Kennedy, who played a key role in civil rights negotiations both for his brother and later for President Johnson, before Bobby was also assassinated in the turbulent year of 1968. President Kennedy sent a special envoy to negotiate between the two sides, but violence flared throughout May 1963, and even a tank was deployed to patrol the streets. Dr King’s brother, the Reverend A.D. King’s home was bombed, and a device was placed near to a room at the Gaston Motel where Dr King often stayed in Birmingham. These acts were aimed to provoke the black community into retaliatory acts of violence, and fighting between the police and black community raged.
When the Supreme Court declared Birmingham’s segregationist policies unconstitutional, the Governor of Alabama, George Wallace, stood in the doorway of the University of Alabama to prevent black students from entering. President Kennedy had to send in the National Guard to remove him. Eventually, hostilities eased, and with the economic boycott hitting white businesses, an agreement to desegregate the city’s facilities and improve employment equality practices was reached.
Andrew Young summarised the success of Project C thus: ‘Everybody looks at the Birmingham demonstration and thinks that there was some kind of miracle performed, but it was a lot of hard work. Birmingham was not a non-violent city. Birmingham was probably the most violent city in America, and every black family had an arsenal. To talk in terms of non-violence…in Birmingham…Folks would look at you like you were crazy because they had been bombing black homes. They had been beating up black people and the blacks thought there was no alternative for them but to “kill or be killed”. The achievements of Birmingham were historic; help and support came from across the country in the form of donations, including some from the entertainment field and sportspeople. Volunteers gave their time, and the NAACP legal defence fund carried out sterling work in releasing the jailed and getting the students reinstated. The community itself was galvanised into action, taking control of their own destiny to win the battle of Birmingham.’
For Dr King it provided proof to the hardcore southerners ‘That the walls of segregation could be broken down.’
March on Washington – 28 August 1963 – I Have A Dream
If Birmingham proved to be his most successful campaign, then there was no doubt that events in the nation’s capital would prove to be Dr King’s finest hour. The March on Washington for Freedom and Jobs, to give it its full and appropriate title, was proposed by union leader A. Phillip Randolph to keep the world’s attention on the cause of civil rights.
President Kennedy, who before Project C in Birmingham had stated civil rights legislation would have to wait, hastily tabled a raft of new legislations.
The campaigners had seen centuries of broken promises befall their people in the fight for equality, and were determined to keep the spotlight on their cause. Though relations within the civil rights movement were often fractious, the march on Washington was a great display of unity by the black leadership, and Dr King was invited as just one of many speakers.
In the shadow of Lincoln’s memorial, with a quarter of a million people of all races, denominations and backgrounds packed into the National Mall, he delivered one of the most historic speeches of all time, fondly recalled as the I have a Dream speech. To hear Dr King’s sonorous voice booming with passion and prose brings goose pimples to the flesh. The tumultuous ending to the oratory is drawn from a Negro spiritual: ‘Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty we are free at last!’ Dr King received praise and plaudits from around the world, and, with his stature growing, America finally seemed ready to fulfil Lincoln’s legacy.
However, from this zenith of success the civil rights movement would plunge into despair, and America too would be forced to examine itself as the dark hand of violence exploded.
Autumn 1963 – A Tragic American Fall From Grace
On 22 November 1963, in Dallas, Texas, the 35th President, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, became the fourth president to be assassinated by a fellow American. Although he declared himself non-partisan in politics, Dr King was convinced that JFK had won a very close 1960 election against Richard Nixon due to the votes and respect that he had gained from the Bblack community. A key moment had been JFK’s efforts to rescue Dr King from a Georgia jail for the false traffic violation. Dr King went so far as to call the then Senator Nixon, whom he knew personally at the time, a ‘moral coward’ in his autobiography because Nixon had stayed silent, fearing a backlash from southern segregationists.
Dr King’s response to the President’s assassination was less reported than his counterpart Malcolm X’s infamous comment that ‘The chickens had come home to roost’. Malcolm X was censured for this by the Nation of Islam, beginning a chain of events that would lead to his own assassination in New York in 1965. Much as he lamented the death of a president and personal ally, Dr King wept more for an America that ‘Could produce the climate where they [men] express their disagreement through violence and murder.’
Dr King evoked the lives of millions of African-Americans when he said that they too had tragically known ‘political assassins from the whine of a bullet or the roar of the bomb that had replaced lynchings as a political weapon.’  Those words were said because two months earlier, in the same Birmingham church from which thousands of children had set out to demand their equality, a bomb had been planted that killed four little girls attending Sunday school. Dr King had been highly distressed by these brutal murders, and had delivered a moving and rousing eulogy. He’d called for the girls’ deaths not to be in vain, and for renewed faith and courage in the doctrine of non-violence to prevail in the face of such a shocking atrocity.
The newly installed President Johnson was determined to push through a raft of civil rights legislations and social welfare reforms as a tribute to President Kennedy, who had initially introduced them. President Johnson termed this vision The Great Society, and as a southerner combined his forceful personality with his knowledge of Southland to get his legislation passed through the Congress and Senate. On 2 June 1964 he signed the Civil Rights Act, which would outlaw many segregationist practices in the South.
However, as we have discovered, those ingrained practices had survived the writing of the Constitution, war and much prior legislation. The segregationists continued to use violence and intimidation to maintain their rule. In 1965 in Selma, during a voter registration drive, over 3,800 were arrested, but the net result of three months of non-violent demonstrations was only fifty extra black people eligible to vote. Many had been beaten and sent to hospital when state troopers had turned on demonstrators during Sunday, Bloody Sunday (see chapter 8). Dr King lamented that yet more blood had been spilt, but his faith gave him the strength to continue.
The violent events of Selma, like those in Birmingham, would prove historic. A fitting tribute to the lost lives, and lasting proof that their deaths were not in vain, was the passing of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. This gave federal jurisdiction over any state which used discriminatory practices in the voting process, and gave African-Americans the power not only to vote, but also elect whomever they choose.
War and Poverty
Two major issues, war and poverty, were splitting the fabric of American society in half, and also causing turmoil for Dr King. The civil rights movement had been a predominately southern cause to end institutionalised segregation. Dr King, though, had always believed that poverty was also a major factor in causing inequality, so he turned his attention to the economic segregation that he felt was the source of great poverty in the so-called American ghettos. Race riots flared across the country, fuelled by anger from those with the least to lose. Dr King visited Watts, Los Angeles, to appeal to the rioters for calm after violent riots erupted in August 1965. In 1966, he and his family moved to a Chicago ghetto for several months to sample the conditions ‘at the grass roots’ and lead a campaign for desegregated housing. Though more extreme, in terms of the appalling deprivation in the slums these experiences mirrored those of the Windrush Generation since their arrival in Britain in 1948.
Decades come and go among epochs, but the one marked ‘The 1960s’ was a decade of great political, social and cultural change. Assassinations of great leaders, a peace movement to oppose the Vietnam War, driven by a new youth culture fuelled by the rise of the Beatles, and the appeal of Motown and black artists on both sides of the Atlantic sparked a series of cultural changes that would have repercussions for decades to come.
President Johnson felt he had not only completed Kennedy’s legacy of social reforms, but that he had gone even further by supplying finances and policies to tackle America’s poverty, enhance education, promote the arts and even environmental measures. He introduced two health reforms, Medicare for the elderly and Medicaid for those on low incomes, which are still integral parts of the American healthcare system today. However, it was President Johnson’s duplicitous statements over whether America had committed troops in a war with a tiny nation, thousands of miles away, that were to taint and dominate his presidency.
Dr King was not alone in noticing that America’s poor were dying disproportionately in South East Asia, or that monies President Johnson had allocated to the war on poverty were being siphoned off to fight Vietnam. Dr King had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in December 1964, and as its ambassador and advocate, with his religious beliefs and moral convictions, the Vietnam War weighed heavily on his conscious. ‘Moved to break the betrayal of my own silences’, he became a firm and vocal opponent to the war. This took him into direct conflict with his former ally President Johnson, making Dr King an enemy of the state.
The FBI, under its notorious chief J Edgar Hoover, closely monitored Dr King, and spied on his life with official clearance from a compromised White House. Dr King was criticised for his anti-war stance not only by the state, but also by other campaigners for moving the message away from civil rights issues. Black segregationists attacked him for his continued belief in non-violence, and the mood within the civil rights movement began to fragment. This was to assert itself in Black Power slogans, misunderstood by many, by more radical blacks.
On the eve of his death, Dr King would not take the podium as the celebrated icon we remember today. Monitored by the FBI, J Edgar Hoover, who hated Dr King, had leaked allegations about his private life to discredit him. His colleagues had denounced his anti-war stance, and some were losing faith in his methods, while black militants were eager to respond to violence with violence. On what was to be the last full day of Dr King’s life, 3 April 1968, as he gave his Mountain Top speech in Memphis, Tennessee several questions about his methods, and even his relevance, were being asked across America.
Visiting the Student Sit-ins at Greensboro, North Carolina
In a country where there is a Martin Luther King Boulevard in every state, it is not difficult to find symbolic, if token, gestures to one of its most revered leaders. However, to appreciate fully the legacy of Dr King and the effect of his non-violence philosophy, I visited the university town of Greensboro, North Carolina. There, on 1 February 1960, four students from the A&T University, Franklin McCain, Joseph McNeil, Ezell Blair Jr and David Richmond, fully embraced the non-violent strategy and marked their place in history. After much planning, they attempted to get served lunch at an all-white food counter of F.W. Woolworth’s. When they were refused lunch, they refused to move and staged a sit-in, sparking a six-month protest that spread throughout America.
The Woolworth’s building has since been lovingly restored and turned into the International Civil Rights Center. The Executive Director, Bamidele Emerson, gave me a personal guided tour around the first-class museum, that doubles as an arts facility, when I visit in 2010. The room where the sit-in was staged is much larger than I’d imagined, and every detail has been painstakingly preserved. My footsteps echo on the marble floor as I walk towards the famous steel and chrome counter. The original alternate blue and pink stools still stand there around the lunch counter, their leather surfaces aged and split open like over-ripened tomatoes. Behind the lunch counter the menu of the day is displayed. Appropriately, as its Thanksgiving the next day, a roast turkey dinner is advertised, costing 65 cents, and for dessert a cherry pie costs 15 cents, washed down with a Pepsi Cola for just 5 cents.
As America is now gripped by the ravages of a global recession, the absurdity of the moment hits me with stark reality. Those black students would have had green dollars in their pockets, but the colour of their skin would have prevented them from making any purchase. However, on that day, over fifty years ago, those four students did not care about hunger or capitalism. They cared about equality. Their stance brought America’s segregation laws to the world’s attention, and inspired many to take action.
Birthplace – Resting Place of Dr King: Sweet Auburn Avenue, Atlanta, Georgia
The area where Dr King was born, raised and now rests is known as the Sweet Auburn district. With its network of businesses, churches and entertainment, for many years this was the heart and soul of Black Atlanta. I’m a frequent visitor to Sweet Auburn as Dr King’s resting place represents my own personal Mecca and sanctuary. I always feel a pleasant sense of serenity when I’m within its family of buildings, which includes the King Center for Non-Violent Social Change, featuring excellent artefacts on Dr King’s life, a theatre and an old preserved fire station. It also includes the historic Ebenezer Baptist Church (seemingly under perennial renovation) where both Dr King and his father preached. Dr King’s home, at 501 Sweet Auburn Avenue, sits at the top of a gentle hill and is still beautifully preserved, with free guided tours given by National Park guides if booked in advance.
Dr King won numerous awards and acclaim, but most of all his achievements was the ability to inspire a movement against hate and inequality. He was not a consensus leader who based his decisions on populist views; he was a conviction leader who, in the face of violence and intimidation, never wavered in his beliefs to achieve change…and he won.
At Dr King’s resting place I wipe a tear away, and at the eternal flame I say a prayer in remembrance of my own beloved family members who have passed away. Inspiration, however, is the main reason I’ve returned here, and as I look along the shimmering reflecting pool by his and Coretta’s graveside, I find strength building in me once again. I bid them both farewell in the knowledge that I will return after examining more of the achievements of the civil rights movement and Dr King’s legacy. Though Jim Crow had been abolished, many, like Dr King, worried about the psychological impact those racist laws would leave behind. He said, ‘All too few people would understand how slavery and racial segregation wounded the soul and scarred the spirit of the black man.’
Though the physical scars from the plantations had disappeared, they were soon replaced by the mental scars of racism in America’s ghettos and in Britain’s inner cities.
Proud and Pleased. Announced today 22nd March I have been awarded Lord Mayor’s medal by Bristol for my volunteer & social activism work. Thanks to everyone who has supported, worked with or helped me to contribute to others greatness.
100 YEARS OF WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE IN BRITAIN – Westminster, London, England, 1918:
Its 100 years since women gained the right to vote in the UK! In 1918 the Representation of the People Act was passed as the first piece of legislation to allow women the vote in the UK. It represented a landmark achievement in the struggle for women to gain equality that had been taking place for centuries signified by the Suffragettes Movement. We join with many others around Britain and take inspiration from their achievement.
FREDRICK DOUGLASS 200th birthday. Born February 1818 Virginia, USA
Fredrick Douglass was the most prominent African-American of the 19th century. He was born on a brutal slave-plantation in Virginia in 1818. Slaves were prohibited from education but he self-taught himself to read and write before escaping. He became a writer and a leader of the anti-abolitionist movement. He was famed for being a brilliant orator talking to packed audiences in Britain and Ireland about his lived experiences of the ravages of slavery.
Douglass was an ardent supporter of the feminist movement that would lead to the women’s vote and universal suffrage for women. He was the first Black man to visit the White House itself built by slaves where he counselled Abraham Lincoln on race and politics.
He also visited Bristol during the 1840s where his speeches enthralled Victorian audiences. Douglass’ freedom had been purchased by abolitionists. Britain had ended the Transatlantic slave trade in 1807 however slavery still flourished in the Caribbean (1833) and USA (1865). His famous phrases were “I would unite with anybody to do right and with nobody to do wrong.’ and “Agitate! Agitate! Agitate!”
The Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting 2018, also known as CHOGM 2018, is the 25th meeting of the heads of government of the 53 Commonwealth nations. It will be held in London from 16th April and the theme is ‘Towards a Common Future.’
It will also be the first CHOGM held following Britain’s decision to leave the European Union, a decision which has resulted in calls for Britain to strengthen its ties with and play a greater role in the Commonwealth.
Prime Minister Theresa May thinks the summit will set out a bright future for the Commonwealth, adding: “As we prepare to host the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in London, we are reminded of the unique and proud global relationships that we have forged with the diverse and vibrant alliance of Commonwealth nations The UK has a long standing and firm commitment to the Commonwealth and to the values it upholds, of democracy, human rights and the rule of law. In hosting the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, the UK is committed to working with all members not only to reaffirm these shared values, but also to re-energise and revitalise the Commonwealth to cement its relevance to this and future generations”.
For some these words demonstrate that Britain is still keen to maintain its influence over its former empire, whilst for others new international trade is part of the Brexit deal they voted for. But what does this reflect for the Commonwealth citizens who have migrated to the UK from their former British colonies with a history of living under the shadow British Empire and hegemony?
The summit will see the UK take over as chair of the Commonwealth until 2020 however this will be the final summit that Queen Elizabeth will preside over. The Queen saw many of her citizens that her predecessors had colonialised arrive to help rebuild Britain after World War II from the Caribbean, Africa and Asia. She also presided over their wish for self-rule and independence. These include the famed Windrush Generation from the Caribbean who called Britain the motherland, whilst soldiers like the Ghurkhas died in wars for King, Queen and Country. The Commonwealth has also contributed much to the UK bringing commerce, wealth as well as pride and celebration through sport and culture.
From the conquered to the vanquished, from Brexiters to new settlers from those Commonwealth member nations what is the future of the Commonwealth and how relevant is it to Britons today?
Bringing the community together and finding ways to collaborate and support each other is the inspiration behind our name, Ujima, given to us by our founding Director Kevin Philemon. A Swahili word, it translates as “Collective Work and Responsibility”, the third of the seven Kwanza principles. Keeping that principle at the heart of our purpose, we have been on an evolving journey from our origins as a positive action project to become a leading Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic [BAME] led arts and media organisation embedded into Bristol’s wider cultural ecology. In the article “Why Bristol needs to face up to its past before it can enjoy its future’’ the Bristol Post announced plans to work in partnership with Ujima on a series of City Conversations to progress how Bristol as a city reflects on its relationship with the Trans-Atlantic slave trade and closing some of the divides in Bristol.
In the first of a series of blogs as the Executive Chair of Ujima Radio CIC I will give some background to that article, describes future work with a range of cultural partners and sets out the vision behind our Year of Change ahead of our 10th anniversary year in 2018.
‘‘Operation Black Vote recently published a report called The Colour of Power stating that the UK’s Media and Arts is led by a white elite. This follows several studies and reports on the issues of inequality in Britain and Bristol, including one from the Runnymede Trust titled Bristol: a city divided? As the Creative Producer and Chair of Ujima Radio, and as a Black man who has fought against racism all my life, this story is as a familiar as it is depressing. Not one single Black person is a Managing Director of a major TV broadcaster, not one is an Editor of national newspaper, nor is there one CEO at any of the top 20 arts and culture organisations in Britain. This despite Black culture being at the forefront of music, arts, fashion, film and culture and the media, arts and culture sector presenting itself as being more forward looking. Added to this are inclusion gaps with discrimination against women, LGBTQ+, people of faith, those with disabilities, key age groups, and those who are financially or socially excluded coming from lower income backgrounds.
Ujima Radio reaches its tenth anniversary in July 2018 and we will celebrate this occasion alongside a number of global landmark anniversaries. These include the 50th commemoration of the assassination of Dr Martin Luther King, 100 years of the women’s right to vote and the 50th anniversary of St Pauls Carnival in Bristol. Also we wish to significantly herald our Black elders by celebrating the 70th anniversary of ss Empire Windrush journey to Tilbury Docks from Jamaica, whose symbolic arrival heralded the influx of Caribbean migrants. Those who came to Britain to help rebuild the country after World War II thus changing the face of Britain then and now in sport, culture, politics and music. We aim to mark these occasions by working in partnership with cultural and community organisations and businesses to influence to act as a catalyst for change. These include continuing work with our artistic partners Bristol Old Vic and embarking on a new relationship with the Bristol Post. We wish to transform the way race and inequality is viewed in Bristol and beyond. This will be a bold way of moving the conversation forward to a series of actions that provide solutions. We not only want to celebrate the achievement of ten years of broadcasting with a social purpose but also share our stories and provide a meaningful series of debates, discussion and events that lead to action which inspires, engages and empowers and to stimulate long-term change.
The Arts Council England investment has allowed us to begin to build an infrastructure at Ujima, develop and support artistic talent, put on a range of events from Sisters with Voices with St George’s Bristol to a family arts and culture fun day with Circomedia. This way of working brings new audiences and community members to Bristol’s institutions including Watershed and Spike Island. This supports our ambitions to be more than a radio station. Our social action projects create employment and training working with UWE Bristol students whilst our Green and Black projects with University of Bristol and Bristol Green Capital Partnerships have provided a different way of how to involve communities. All of this has Ujima’s principles at its core; working in partnership to create opportunities. Our work as an associate company of Bristol Old Vic has led us to visioning 2018 – our 10th anniversary year – as a Year of Change for them. In return they have created new dialogues which have included the Bristol Post editor Mike Norton and from his article you can see the impact of those conversations and partnership working. Ujima and I are keen to engage many voices in the Kwanza principles of collective responsibility and challenge Bristol’s institutions to make real changes to involve and include Bristol’s diverse wonderful communities to play their part in changing Bristol.’
Bristol Post Editor in Chief Mike Norton is a guest on my show Bristol’s Big Conversation on 11am this Thursday 16th November on Ujima Radio. www.ujimaradio.com if you have ideas email firstname.lastname@example.org or Twitter @rogerg44
In this special event to mark Black History Month, I will take you through my journeys to justice. I plan to talk of my travels in America, where I discovered a shared heritage through slavery and identity from the civil rights struggle. Highlights include seeing the inauguration of Barack Obama and visiting the scene of the assassination of Dr Martin Luther King. Griffith connects this personal story to the Caribbean and the Windrush generation that brought him to Bristol. I will also give insights on current race issues, readings from his book My American Odyssey: From the Windrush to the White House and a brand new poem.
Events in Charlottesville, Virginia were a sickening reminder of why the past always remains present and can never be forgotten to prevent the same mistakes being made in the future.
Having wrongly predicted that Hillary Clinton would triumph, I’m now watching with both humour and horror as the Trump Tsunami devastates Washington DC and America.
Trump is and always has been a bigot and as far as I’m concerned just added to his rap-sheet and has a history of racism. In 1989 he called for the death penalty for five Black youths who had been wrongly convicted of rape. Then there was ‘Birtherism’ and his pathetic claims that President Obama was not born in America thus making him an illegitimate president. His candidacy began by calling Mexicans rapists and chants of getting Mexico to pay for a wall they had no wish to build at his Nuremburg style campaign rallies. So I was not surprised that he found it difficult to denounce the oldest terrorist group in America, the KKK and other white supremacists.
In Bristol with the Colston brand and resulting controversy still refusing to dissipate we appear to be at a similar crossroads over monuments. Be it slavers in Bristol or America do we remove the past, celebrate them or historically update them within a 21st century context?
One of the most influential books of my life was written by author Gary Younge. In No Place Like Home (1997) he first made me aware of these issues and also the good, the bad and the ugly of America from a Black-Briton’s viewpoint which influenced me to not only visit but write too of my experiences.
Visiting in 2012, much of Virginia appeared untouched by modern life. Its present-day inhabitants give the impression that it is just the way they prefer things to remain, which would meet with the early English migrants’ approval. Their successors, the rebellious Founding Fathers of America, produced an elite group of men who would control not only the region, but also America and influence the world. The Virginia Dynasty, as they became known, produced four of the first five US presidents: Jefferson, Washington, James Madison, and James Monroe. All inherited plantations from their fathers, all of them kept slaves.
I had been drawn first to Monument Avenue in Virginia’s State capitol of Richmond by Gary Younge’s book. Monument Avenue is a wide boulevard with a grand central esplanade dividing the traffic shuttling in and out of the city. There I came face-to-face with the past in the imposing stone civic tributes chosen by the city’s fathers.
The first monument was of Richmond-born tennis player Arthur Ashe. Ashe overcame the authorities banning him from playing against white boys of his own age, by leaving Richmond to gain a scholarship in California, and becoming World No 1 and Wimbledon champion. Ashe became a prominent civil-rights campaigner and also fought against Apartheid. He died tragically of Aids, from a blood transfusion in 1993.
Moving along Monument Avenue I am met by towering testaments to the Civil War. The stone edifices of General Robert E Lee, General Stonewall Jackson and Confederate President Jefferson Davis lead you into Richmond.
Gary Younge wrote: ‘Monument Avenue felt like the cultural and political equivalent of putting a huge statue of Adolf Hitler and his sidekicks up on Kurfustendam Platz in Berlin – not as trite comparison as it might appear, given the number of blacks who died in slavery.’
Much of Monument Avenue today is based in a diverse multi-cultural neighbourhood, with many of its inhabitants passing beneath these monuments that are declaring their adoration for men who would have kept their ancestors enslaved.
My search for answers to the historical contradiction between freedom and slavery continued to President Jefferson’s former home, Monticello, seventy-two miles away. He designed his sumptuous twenty one room three-storey neo-classical mansion house and it is replicated in his monument on the Washington Mall. It is cited on a mountain-top with panoramic vista across Virginia to the nearby university town of Charlottesville where Heather Heyer was murdered.
President Jefferson’s plantation was a network of gardens, buildings and farms that raised a variety of crops and animals that were tended to by over two hundred slaves. There is plenty of evidence that President Jefferson was a benevolent owner. In keeping with the thinking of the Virginia slave-owners. He viewed slaves as we would children, unable to live independent lives of their own. He also had long relationship with a slave, Sally Hemmings and they had children together. I walked amongst some of the slaves’ quarters built below ground so not to spoil the view. Though the trade in my ancestors leaves me with a heavy heart, in order to understand and tell their story. It was here and places like this I began to piece together the origins of how the Transatlantic slave trade flourished and its links to Bristol and Britain via USA and the Caribbean.
This is an edited and updated extract from My American Odyssey From the Windrush to the White House published in 2015 on Silverwood Books. Roger is an Executive Chair and broadcaster at Ujima Radio CIC and a member of the Come The Revolution Film curators.